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Darwin in letters, 1847-1850: Microscopes and barnacles

Summary

Darwin's study of barnacles, begun in 1844, took him eight years to complete. The correspondence reveals how his interest in a species found during the Beagle voyage developed into an investigation of the comparative anatomy of other cirripedes and…

Matches: 23 hits

  • Species theory In November 1845, Charles Darwin wrote to his friend and confidant Joseph
  • summer to finish my S. American geology; then to get out a little zoology & hurrah for my
  • … ). In the event, thelittle zoologyturned out to be a study of barnacles that spanned eight years
  • and  Fossil Cirripedia  (1851, 1854). What led Darwin to engage in this work when he was
  • The correspondence reveals how his initial interest in a singular species found during the Beagle
  • group. Light is shed on the close relationship between Darwins systematic descriptive work and the
  • to this work and that guided his observations through a difficult, often frustrating taxonomical
  • explained in detail in letters to friends and relatives, Darwin felt sufficiently restored in health
  • activity. There are, for example, twenty lengthy letters to Charles Lyell from these years and a
  • on geology ( letter to J. F. W. Herschel, 4 February [1848] ). Letters between Darwin and Richard
  • on board ship ( see letter to Richard Owen, [26 March 1848] ). Darwins chapter plainly calls on
  • carefully re-examined his own thesis in letters to Milne, Lyell, and Robert Chambers, and, in
  • for publication in the Scotsman. Yet when the editor, Charles Maclaren, maintained that it would be
  • original fieldwork wastime thrown away’ ( letter to Charles Lyell, 8 [September 1847] ). …
  • formations. Darwins explanation, originally suggested by Lyell, was that the boulders were
  • failed to convince other prominent geologists, among them Lyell, so Darwin was keenly interested in
  • in the subject. The letters also reveal that Lyell sought Darwins advice in the preparation
  • would be athorn in the side of É de B.’ (letter to Charles Lyell, 3 January 1850 ). …
  • … ‘desideratum’ ( letter to J. L. R. Agassiz, 22 October 1848 ), was accepted by Darwin, and he
  • the group, turned over some notes he had made, and, early in 1848, obtained permission for Darwin to
  • both had served ( Correspondence  vol. 2, letters to H. E. Strickland). Darwins task was
  • rule of priority for the sake of expedience ( letter to H. E. Strickland, [4 February 1849] ), but
  • remained unmarried. Each daughter was bequeathed £10,000, Charles was bequeathed £15,500, and his

Darwin’s reading notebooks

Summary

In April 1838, Darwin began recording the titles of books he had read and the books he wished to read in Notebook C (Notebooks, pp. 319–28). In 1839, these lists were copied and continued in separate notebooks. The first of these reading notebooks (DAR 119…

Matches: 28 hits

  • In April 1838, Darwin began recording the titles of books he had read and the books he wished
  • used these notebooks extensively in dating and annotating Darwins letters; the full transcript
  • … *128). For clarity, the transcript does not record Darwins alterations. The spelling and
  • book had been consulted. Those cases where it appears that Darwin made a genuine deletion have been
  • by H. W. Rutherford ( Catalogue of the library of Charles Darwin now in the Botany School, …
  • 1819]. see p. 17 Note Book C. for reference to authors about E. Indian Islands 8 consult D r
  • of variation in animals in the different isl ds  of E Indian Archipelago— [DAR *119: 6v.] …
  • … & Rev. W. Herbert.— notes to White Nat. Hist of Selbourne [E. T. Bennett ed. 1837 and [J. Rennie
  • 2 vols. 8vo. avec 2 atlas 4to. ibid, 181823. £1 2 s  [E. Geoffroy Saint-Hilaire 181823] …
  • said to be Poor Sir. J. Edwards Botanical Tour [?J. E. Smith 1793] Fabricius (very old
  • Louisiana [darby 1816] & Finch Travels [Finch 1833]. (Lyell) Maximilian in Brazil [Wied
  • 1842]. Life of D. of Marlborough [A. Alison 1848]— (read) Montagus Translat of Visa
  • of Mexico [W. H. Prescott 1843], strongly recommended by Lyell (read) Berkeleys Works
  • 1834] (& of Europe?) [Gould 18327] & of Australia [Gould 1848]; well worth studying for
  • … [Dandolo 1825] /good/ M rs  Whitby [Whitby 1848] In Library of Entomological Society & …
  • … [E. Phipps 1850] L d . Harveys Memoirs [Hervey 1848] Cuming Lion Hunter [Cumming
  • 1818] (Brougham) Ermans Travels in Siberia [Erman 1848] (Boot) 44  (read) Bethunes
  • 1844] L d  Cloncurry Memm [Lawless 1849] Lady Lyell Sir J Heads Forest scenes in
  • round world 18036 [Lisyansky 1814]— nothing Lyells Elements of Geology [Lyell 1838] …
  • J 57  Brownes Religio Medici [T. Browne 1643] Lyells Book III 5th Edit 58  [Lyell 1837] …
  • 1859]. (goodish) 1  The personal library of Charles Stokes from whom CD borrowed books
  • Erskine. 2 vols. London.  *119: 14 Babington, Charles Cardale. 1839Primitiæ floræ   …
  • of Useful Knowledge.) London.  *119: 13 Badham, Charles David. 1845Insect life . …
  • … [Abstract in DAR 205.3: 180.] 119: 21a Bell, Charles. 1806Essays on the anatomy of
  • Bernier, François. 1826Travels in the Mogul Empire A.D.   16561668 . Translated by Irving
  • Bethune, John. 1840Poems by the late John Bethune; with a   sketch of the authors life by his
  • eds.]  119: 11a Blacklock, Ambrose. 1838A treatise on sheep; with the   best means
  • Blaine, Delabere Pritchett. 1824Canine pathology; or, a   full description of the diseases of

Scientific Networks

Summary

Friendship|Mentors|Class|Gender In its broadest sense, a scientific network is a set of connections between people, places, and things that channel the communication of knowledge, and that substantially determine both its intellectual form and content,…

Matches: 17 hits

  • … | Class | Gender In its broadest sense, a scientific network is a set of connections
  • activities for building and maintaining such connections. Darwin's networks extended from his
  • Bonds of friendship were very important in science in a period when strong institutional structures
  • controversy, or personal loss. Letter writing was not only a means of sustaining such friendships
  • section contains two sets of letters. The first is between Darwin and his friend Kew botanist J. D. …
  • about Hookers thoughts. Letter 729Darwin, C. R. to Hooker, J. D., [11 Jan 1844] …
  • not immutable. He admits to Hookerit is like confessing a murder”. Letter 736 — …
  • and questions Gray on the alpine flora of the USA. He sends a list of plants from Grays Manual of
  • C. R. to Gray, Asa, 20 July [1857] Darwin writes a challenging letter to Gray, saying: “But my
  • why he believes species of the same genus generally have a common or continuous area; they are
  • Letter 1202Darwin, C. R. to Hooker, J. D., 6 Oct [1848] Darwin catches up on personal
  • He thanks Darwin for saving his correspondence. He senta yarn about speciesin October mail, and
  • extract anything valuable from his letters to Darwin and Lyell for Athenæum . He mentioned Darwin
  • Letter 1189Darwin, C. R. to Henslow, J. S., 2 July [1848] Darwin criticises the lecturing
  • … . Letter 4260aDarwin, C. R. to Becker, L. E., 2 Aug [1863] Darwin thanks Lydia
  • day with Henslow; much had to be done. His friend, Alexander Charles Wood, has written to Capt. …
  • Letter 1176Darwin, C. R. to Darwin, Emma, [201 May 1848] Darwin writes to his wife Emma. …

Darwin in letters,1866: Survival of the fittest

Summary

The year 1866 began well for Charles Darwin, as his health, after several years of illness, was now considerably improved. In February, Darwin received a request from his publisher, John Murray, for a new edition of  Origin. Darwin got the fourth…

Matches: 15 hits

  • The year 1866 began well for Charles Darwin, as his health, after several years of illness, was now
  • all but the concluding chapter of the work was submitted by Darwin to his publisher in December. …
  • of special creation on the basis of alleged evidence of a global ice age, while Asa Gray pressed
  • in correspondence throughout the year, as in his remark to Lyell, ‘I quite follow you in thinking
  • in this volume), drawing Darwin, Hooker, and the botanist Charles James Fox Bunbury into the
  • after the startling apparition of your face at R.S. Soirèewhich I dreamed of 2 nights running. …
  • on those terms so you are in for it’ ( letter from H. E. Darwin, [  c . 10 May 1866] ). …
  • Georg Bronn, had been published in 1860 and 1863 by the firm E. Schweizerbartsche
  • wasmerely ordinaryly diœcious’ ( letter from W. E. Darwin, [7 May11 June 1866] ). On
  • a case of dimorphic becoming diœcious’ ( letter from W. E. Darwin, 20 June [1866] ). Darwin
  • I am well accustomed to such explosions’ ( letter to W. E. Darwin, 22 June [1866] ). He urged
  • good, & we have been at it many a long year’ ( letter to Charles Lyell, 15 February [1866] ). …
  • family house in Shrewsbury after their fathers death in 1848 until Catherine married in 1863. …
  • loneliness’ ( letter from E. C. Langton to Emma and Charles Darwin, [6 and 7? January 1866] ), and
  • borne it better than we c d  have hoped’ ( letter to Charles Lyell, 7 February [1866] ). Susan

Julia Wedgwood

Summary

Charles Darwin’s readership largely consisted of other well-educated Victorian men, nonetheless, some women did read, review, and respond to Darwin’s work. One of these women was Darwin’s own niece, Julia Wedgwood, known in the family as “Snow”. In July…

Matches: 16 hits

  • Though Charles Darwins readership largely consisted of other well-educated Victorian men, a few
  • Julia Wedgwood. She was the eldest child of Emma Darwins brother, Hensleigh Wedgwood, and
  • education though irregular was the best then available to a young woman. She attended Rachel
  • she was writing her biography of Charlotte Bronte. She made a successful debut as a novelist in 1857
  • novel. Her first important periodical contributions were on Darwin, Lyell, the debate on the origins
  • Linlathen. In her later years she was assisted by the young E. M. Forster, who thought highly of
  • management and free her to devote her time to her work. Emma Darwin was irritated by Wedgwood family
  • brilliance of her teachers and the proximity of her uncle Charles Darwin, she ought, she said, “to
  • disappointment at what she saw as his contribution to a growing agnosticism, admiration for his work
  • about  On the Origin of Species . Wedgwood welcomed Darwins discoveries and sought to understand
  • churchmen were eventually reconciled with Darwinism. Darwin wrote to his niece: “I must tell you how
  • think that you understand my book perfectly, and that I find a very rare event with my critics”. ( …
  • Wallace.) In it Wedgwood largely avoided the debate on Darwins explanation of the natural
  • in animal and human behaviour, particularly in courtship. Darwins emphasis on mans discovery of
  • significance of sexual selection] with approbation.” ( Charles and Emma Darwin to F. J. Wedgwood, …
  • of the most gifted Englishwomen of her time”. The other, E. M. Forster, retained a vivid memory of

Darwin in letters, 1864: Failing health

Summary

On receiving a photograph from Charles Darwin, the American botanist Asa Gray wrote on 11 July 1864: ‘the venerable beard gives the look of your having suffered, and … of having grown older’.  Because of poor health, Because of poor health, Darwin…

Matches: 20 hits

  • On receiving a photograph from Charles Darwin, the American botanist Asa Gray wrote on 11
  • … … of having grown older’. This portrait, the first of Darwin with his now famous beard, had been
  • of dimorphic plants with Williams help; he also ordered a selection of new climbing plants for his
  • 52 hours without vomiting!! In the same month, Darwin began to consult William Jenner, …
  • physician-in-ordinary to Queen Victoria. Jenner prescribed a variety of antacids and purgatives, and
  • continued throughout the summer. When he finished a preliminary draft of his paper on climbing
  • and he received more letters of advice from Jenner. In a letter of 15 December [1864] to the
  • As Darwin explained to his cousin William Darwin Fox in a letter of 30 November [1864] , ‘the
  • nothing had interested him so much since his discovery in 1848 of what he calledComplemental males
  • of Dimorphismin  Menyanthes  ( letter from Emma and Charles Darwin to W. E. Darwin, [20 May
  • and animal-breeders. As in earlier years, Darwin consulted Charles William Crocker about his
  • curators at a great distance. Gray forwarded a letter from Charles Wright, a plant collector in Cuba
  • Hugh Falconer, 3 November 186[4] ). The French botanist, Charles Victor Naudin, wrote a gracious
  • using such a periodical to defend himself, Hooker and Lyell discouraged him, and he decided to avoid
  • circulating with the 1864 subscription fund ( letter from E. A. Darwin, 1 February [1864] ). …
  • when Colenso was in England in 1864, socialising with Charles Lyell and other members of the London
  • again, to Ramsays view for third or fourth time; but Lyell says when I read his discussion in the
  • Huxleys  Evidence as to mans place in nature  and Lyells  Antiquity of man , and that the
  • … … & too light to turn into candlesticks’ ( letter from E. A. Darwin, 1 December 1864 ). …
  • of moral courage which is so small still’ ( letter from Charles Lyell, 4 November 1864 ); in